Why Einstein
Did Not
Receive the Nobel
Prize for His
Theory of Relativity
Conrad Ranzan (2009)
1 Ancient ‘Relative’ Motion
Let us go back in time. Way,
way, back ... to the 5th century BC. In the Classical period there
had been physical philosophers; men like Parmenides and Zeno, both natives of Elea, a seaport on the western coast of Italy. They had sought for the "physis"
or nature of external things, the laws and constituents of the material and
measurable world.
[2]
Parmenides tried to see the
ultimate reality behind natural phenomena —the essentials which lie behind what
is observed. But there were also ‘things’ that were not observable, not
perceivable; ‘things’, nevertheless, that were conceivable. In his simple
classification system Parmenides was able to included both observables and
non-observables. But it was not a classification between observables and
non-observables but rather between ‘Being’ and ‘non-Being’. He believed that
everything can be classified into ‘Being’ (reality) and ‘non-Being’ (not
reality). Being is changeless, eternal and motionless; non-Being
is change, transitoriness, and motion. According to Parmenides motion and change
are unreal and merely illusory.[3]
“In the time of Parmenides motion was explained as an
illusion: It did not exist.”
[4]
The Parmenidean philosophy
held that the universe was continuous and unchanging. Obviously Parmenides
reached conclusions quite the opposite to those of Heraclitus, to whom flux and
change were the true reality, but for a time the motion-as-illusion view exerted
a considerable influence.[5]
The great defender of the motion-as-illusion position was
Zeno, a friend and follower of Parmenides. He had devised a series of ‘proofs’,
in the form of paradoxes, to show that motion was quite impossible. The most
famous ‘proof’ involves a race between Achilles and the tortoise and argues that
motion is not what it appears to be.[6]
The argument is that if Achilles and the tortoise run a
handicap race, Achilles can never overtake his competitor. Suppose the tortoise
starts a certain distance down the track, then while Achilles runs up to the
starting point of the tortoise, the latter will have moved somewhat further
ahead. While Achilles runs to this new position, the tortoise again will have
gained a point slightly further on. Every time Achilles closes in on the
tortoise’s previous position, the creature will have crawled away. Achilles does
of course come closer and closer to the tortoise, but he will never catch up
with it.[7]
(See Fig. 1)
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 |
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Fig. 1. Achilles’ double handicap race. First handicap, the tortoise
is given a head start. Second handicap, Achilles is denied the use of absolute
motion. Zeno has deemed that Achilles’ motion must be relative to the tortoise
but, perversely, always and forever towards the tortoise. Every
time Achilles reaches the tortoise’s previous position the creature, as fast as
it can slowly advance, has moved out ahead. |
|
Zeno’s proof uses a peculiar form of ‘relative’ motion.
Achilles’ position is relative
to some in-between point; a moving point which by the defining aspects of the
race can never reach the tortoise’s position. And since the motions are not
continuous but incremental, Zeno leads us into an infinite regression of
infinitely smaller advancements. Achilles and the in-between point, although
moving, stay on the trailing side of the tortoise. Achilles, forever finds
himself merely catching-up; forever on the losing side.
Notice that Zeno equates
subsequent motion to a fraction of the prior motion. He does so
recursively, repeatedly, and without end. A truly clever form of relativity.
Zeno ignores Achilles’ absolute speed, applies his peculiar ‘relative’ speed,
and ends up with no motion (at least no perceptible motion).
Obviously the paradox arises
only if you ignore the fact of absolute motion. Zeno, of course, was wrong
because he ignored the absoluteness of motion.
Jumping forward in time and into the 19th
century. The concept of absolute motion was long the norm and near the end of
that century a working theory of relativity based on absolute motion had
been developed. Notably, it worked at all speeds up to the speed of light. Then,
at the beginning of the 20th century the modern physical philosopher
Albert Einstein (1879-1955) formulated a new theory of relative motion —and, in
the spirit of Parmenides and Zeno, he too ignored the absoluteness of motion.
Now why would he do that?
2 Why Einstein Ignored Absolute Motion
In a famous 1887 experiment,
known as the Michelson and Morley aether experiment, it was reported that
the speed of the aether wind measured far less than had been expected.
Subsequently, others began referring to the Michelson and Morley null
result. The experiment was hailed as the death blow to the previously
popular aether concept.
Evidently the experiment and the contemporary reaction had
an influence on Albert Einstein.
Einstein referred several times to the interferometer
experiment, stating that he ‘had thought about the result even in his student
days’... that after 1905 he and [Hendrick] Lorentz had discussed the
Michelson-Morley experiment many times while he was working on the general
theory of relativity. —R. S. Shankland[8]
Years later (in 1931), in a
public tribute to Michelson’s extensive contribution to science, Einstein
acknowledges the experiment’s influence to his own work:
My honored Dr. Michelson, it was you who led the
physicists into new paths, and through your marvelous experimental work paved
the way for the development of the theory of relativity.[9]
Einstein must have reasoned
that if the aether could not be detected then there could be no way to detect
absolute inertial motion. So he abandoned the idea of an absolute frame of
reference to which motion could be referenced. Motion could only be referenced
to other objects, other observers. In other words motion was relative and
nothing more.
As far as Einstein was
concerned there was no aether substance that fills space.
It must be pointed out that a
perfectly sound explanation of the smallness of the Michelson-Morley
measurements had been developed. In 1891 the Irish physicist George F.
FitzGerald explained the ‘null’ result “on the hypothesis that the forces
binding the molecules of a solid might be modified by the motion of the solid
through the [a]ether in such a way that the dimension of the stone base of the
interferometer would be shortened in the direction of motion and that this
contraction ... neutralizes the optical effect sought in the Michelson-Morley
[aether] experiment.”
[10]
It was a brilliant hypothesis.
Essentially, FitzGerald’s
aether had the relativistic ability to contract the dimensions of any object:
contraction occurring in the direction of motion and in proportion to the speed
through the aether!
|
The FitzGerald-Lorentz Explanation
Historically it has been
argued that the motion through the aether shortens the arm (and base) of the
Michelson-Morley apparatus in the direction of motion. And this
shrinking, now called Lorentz contraction, is just enough to
compensate for the calculated longer light path. Consequently, the longer
light path is not longer after all and very little, if any,
interference shift should be expected.
|
Then in 1895, the Dutch
physicist, Hendrick A. Lorentz (1853-1928) developed the FitzGerald hypothesis
into a sound theory. Given that the atoms of all solids are held together by
electrical forces, then the motion of a body as a whole would, according to
Clerk Maxwell’s physics, superpose upon the electrostatic forces between the
atoms a magnetic effect due to the motion. “There would result a contraction of
the body in the direction of motion which is proportional to the square of the
ratio of the velocities of translation and of light and which would have a
magnitude such as to annul the effect of [a]ether-drift and in the
Michelson-Morley interferometer.”
[11]
The validity of this
interpretation, the FitzGerald- Lorentz interpretation, was later confirmed.
Whenever the experiment was performed in a vacuum the
aether-effect on the optical interferometer was (and still is) totally annulled.
But experimental results were
only of secondary importance to Einstein. He was a theoretical physicist —a
mathematical physicist. He was a Platonic physicist to whom numbers were more
real and important than apparent reality or even objective reality. If you find
that strange, then prepare yourself.
It is stranger by far that
Einstein would actually ignore the phenomenon that his own theory predicts. His
theory of special relativity deals with the speed-of-light constancy, time
dilation, mass growth, and length contraction! The
FitzGerald-Lorentz explanation was essentially a theory of aether-induced
length contraction. Einstein, who frequently communicated with Lorentz, most
certainly was aware of it. The mathematical physicist rejected the
aether-induced length contraction.
Einstein preferred to
postulate length contraction, not relative to an aether type of space, but
relative to the observer —a relatively moving observer. Now since the degree of
apparent length contraction is proportional to the relative speed (between
observer and object) it is easy to see that different observers moving with
different speeds will measure different length contraction for the same object!
I hasten to add, there is nothing wrong with this; special relativity does
give a logical explanation. However, special relativity gives no hint as to what
the actual length contraction may be. It simply can not. It cannot deal
with the absolute length contraction because it has no causal mechanism.
These concrete considerations are outside the scope of the theory. That is why
it is a theory of relatively moving frames-of-reference, and not a theory of
length contraction.
When Einstein turned his back
on the aether medium he abandoned not only the phenomenon of absolute
motion but he also abandoned all hope of attributing a cause for the length
contraction associated with an object’s motion.
What makes all this into a
fascinating multilevel puzzle is that, as we now know, Einstein and Lorentz were
both right with respect to length contraction. Special relativity can
account for apparent contraction while Lorentz’s aether theory can
account for absolute contraction.
Einstein rejected the actuality of absolute motion for two
main reasons: He misinterpreted the Michelson-Morley results, choosing to
believe that absolute motion could not be detected. He sought a purely
mathematical theory of motion.
3 The Aether Evidence and Detection of Absolute Motion
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How Einstein Won the Nobel
(But Not for Relativity)
In 1902 Philipp Lenard,
professor at Kiel, won the Nobel award for the discovery of the
photoelectric effect. But he couldn’t explain it. In 1905 the young
Einstein gave the correct explanation, and in 1921 won his Nobel for it.[12]
The 1921 award honored
Einstein only for his light-quanta hypothesis as it explained the
photoelectric effect for which Robert Millikan’s experiments already
had provided confirmation. The citation read “for discovery of the law of
the photoelectric effect, through which quantum theory received a new
especially vigorous renewal.”
[13]
Thus, though Einstein
did not win for his renowned relativity theories, he did win the Nobel Prize
for what he considered his most revolutionary idea.[14] |
And so, believing absolute
motion could not be detected, Einstein confined his arguments to relative
motion. But it was not a blind belief; he knew that if absolute motion could be
detected then his relativity theory would be wrong.
Einstein fully realized that
his theory could not stand if the claimed discovery of aether is ever confirmed
(or equivalently, if absolute motion, that is, non-rotational absolute motion,
is ever detected). And of particular concern to Einstein were the claims then
being made by American physicist Dayton Miller.
In letters written to
colleagues he expressed his grave concern.
Einstein
stated in a letter, July 1925, to Edwin E. Slosson,
My opinion about Miller's [aether] experiments is the
following. ... Should the positive result be confirmed, then the special theory
of relativity and with it the general theory of relativity, in its current form,
would be invalid. Experimentum summus judex.
Only the equivalence of inertia and gravitation would remain, however, they
would have to lead to a significantly different theory.[15]
In June of 1921, Einstein
wrote to the physicist Robert Millikan:
I believe that I have really found the relationship
between gravitation and electricity, assuming that the Miller experiments are
based on a fundamental error. Otherwise, the whole relativity theory collapses
like a house of cards.[16]
Einstein revealed (privately,
at least) the vulnerable conditional component by which his theory could be
shaken to its foundations. Centuries earlier, another intellectual giant, René
Descartes, did much the same thing when he wrote that if the speed of light
could be proved to be finite, his natural philosophy would be “shaken to its
foundations” by the findings.
As the chronicles of history record, absolute motion, and
therefore aether itself, was detected. It was detected repeatedly.
In 1902 Morley & Miller increased the sensitivity of the
Michelson optical interferometer by making the arm length 430 cm (more than 3
times the length used in the 1887 experiment). The aether drift measured
10 km/s. Their next experiment was in 1904 and saw the first use of the
Michelson interferometer mounted on a steel-girder base. Each arm was again
430 cm long. The instrument registered about 7.5 km/s. A year later, in 1905,
the same steel-girder apparatus recorded 8.7 km/s. These experiments took place
in Cleveland.
In a remarkable 1913 experiment, known as the Sagnac
Experiment, it was shown that the aether has a dramatic effect on the speed of
light. On a rotating platform, M.G. Sagnac split light from a single
monochromatic source into cw and ccw rays that traveled identical paths in
opposite directions around the platform. He combined the returning rays to form
a visible interference pattern, and found that the fringes shifted as the speed
of rotation changed.
The procedure involved measuring the difference in the
travel time of light rays circumnavigating the rotating disk (radius of 25 cm)
in opposite directions. The circular path is achieved by the use of mirrors
mounted on the disk along the circumference. As in the Michelson-Morley
experiment, the time difference was detectable as a fringe shift of the
interference pattern of the recombined light beam. Sagnac found, in agreement
with prediction, a significant fringe shift. In fact, a rotational speed of
13 m/s produces a full fringe shift.
If the speed of light were locally invariant and always
equal to c, then speeding up or slowing of the rotation rate of the
platform should not change the location of the fringes. However, the
fringes do change with speed and “we can determine a preferred
frame —in violation of the second relativity postulate and the
hypothesis of locality.”
[17]
In April of 1921 Dayton Miller’s steel-girder apparatus was
tested on Mt. Wilson, California, and measured an aether flow of 10 km/s.
In Dec of 1921 the steel base was replaced with a concrete
one to exclude any possible magnetic effects. Same result, 10 km/s.
Miller’s experiments back in Cleveland during 1922-24:
Various apparatus changes and procedural methods were extensively tested. Some
improvements were made. Tests of intentional temperature variations in “these
experiments proved that under the conditions of actual observation, the periodic
displacements could not possibly be produced by temperature effects”[18]
as is so often claimed. Throughout the many trials the optical interferometer
never failed to produce consistently positive results.
In 1924 Miller again conducted experiments on Mt. Wilson
and again measured about 10 km/s.
The years 1925-26 witnessed Miller’s definitive experiments
(on Mt. Wilson). While in previous experiments the direction of relative motion
between Earth and aether had been assumed, this series of experiments was
designed to actually measure the direction. Readings were made throughout
24-hour periods; naturally during the 24-hour rotation of the Earth on its axis
there would occur two instances when the fringe shifts became maximum thereby
indicating the approximate direction of aether drift (somewhat in the manner by
which the ocean tides indicate the direction of the moon). Then, by checking the
direction —by repeating the 24-hour test— during different seasons of the
Earth’s annual Solar orbit, the experiment establishes whether or not the main
component of the aether wind is local or cosmic in origin. A more or less
constant direction (in the celestial sphere) indicates a cosmic origin.[19]
Data were collected April 1, August 1, and September 15, 1925,
and February 8, 1926. The line of motion was established but there was some
uncertainty as to which diametrically opposite direction actually represented
the apex of the motion. Eventually Miller concluded that the cosmic direction of
motion of the Earth and the Solar System is (Right Ascension ~5h; Declination
~70°S) towards the constellation Dorado. The speed was calculated to be
208 km/s.[20]
Many years later, in a non-optical experiment (performed by
Roland DeWitte, in 1991) the Right Ascension direction of ~5h was dramatically
confirmed.
During subsequent decades of the 20th century there were
several other significant experiments giving positive results.
Then, in the year 2002 the
Michelson and Morley data —as well as Miller’s data —were re-analyzed and it
became clear for the first time why their measurements of aether drift were so
much smaller than had been predicted. The re-analysis, undertaken by Australian
Professor Reginald Cahill, actually took the Lorentz contraction into account
along with the dielectric nature of the gas (air) affecting the light paths and
found that the tangent-to-earth-orbit component of the aether wind matched the
predicted 30 km/s.[21]
Absolute motion became an established fact.
What Einstein had feared has come to pass. ... Zeno’s
Nemesis finally awoke and dutifully struck another blow against abstract
relativity.
4 Special Relativity is Based on the Works of Voigt, Larmor, Poincaré, and
Lorentz
|
A Brief History of the Lorentz Transformation Equations
In the latter part of the 19th
century equations were developed for the purpose of converting the
position-coordinates, velocities, and clock-time from one frame of reference
into corresponding values for some other (relatively moving) frame of
reference.
It seems that Woldemar Voigt, in 1887, was
the first to write down the transformations.
They were revised by
Joseph
Larmor (1897, 1900).[22]
Lorentz used the transformations in his paper
of 1899 (and 1904), being the third person after Voigt and Larmor to write
them down. The paper showed that the FitzGerald-Lorentz contraction,
the predicted phenomenon affecting the Michelson apparatus, was a
consequence of the Lorentz transformations.[23]
In 1905, on the 5th of June, Henri Poincaré
published an important work Sur la dynamique de l'electron which
claimed that it was impossible to demonstrate absolute motion and
provided an explanation for the Michelson-Morley “null” result. In this
paper the transformations are expressed in their modern form and, for
the first time, named after Lorentz. Einstein's paper on special
relativity (“On the Electrodynamics of Moving Bodies”) appeared a few
weeks later on the 30th of June.[24]
The Lorentz transformations code the geometry
of special relativity. In modern textbooks they are written as:
y′
= y
z′
= z
x′
=
g (x
- v t)
t′
=
g (t
- v x/c2) ,
which relate the coordinates (x′, y′,
z′, t′) of an event in moving frame S′
(moving in the positive x-direction) to coordinates (x, y,
z, t) in stationary frame S.
The inverse transformation set is:
y = y′
z = z′
x
=
g (x′ + v t′)
t
= (t′ + v x′/c2)
where
g, the Lorentz factor, is:

|
Some readers may wonder,
why was not Einstein awarded for the brilliant mathematics? ... There are
two reasons. First, the equations upon which relativity is based were not
developed by Einstein. Second, mathematics is not one of the five award
categories. Alfred Nobel, the famed “dynamite king” had for some personal reason
excluded mathematics from his testament.[25]
The special relativity theory is based on the
transformation equations known as the Lorentz transforms. These famous equations
had been developed by others years before Einstein published his special
relativity paper in 1905.
As for the variance-of-length phenomenon, it was stated
earlier that FitzGerald and Lorentz had already formulated a theory of length
contraction. Einstein used it for his special relativity paper after stripping
away the aether.
Lorentz’s theory included the relationship of the variation
of mass with speed. According to his theory no body can reach the speed of light
because the mass becomes infinitely large at this speed.[26]
The mass concept of Lorentz (including Lorentz’s two distinct masses known as
longitudinal and transverse mass) was incorporated into Einstein’s relativity
—again after discarding the aether.[27]
The effect known as time dilation was first noticed by
Joseph Larmor in 1897. Lorentz measured it for the frequency of oscillating
electrons in 1899. Lorentz had postulated that the motion of the clock
through the aether changed its rate.[28]
|
Variable Speed-of-Light Theories
There are 21st century theoretical
physicists such as Paul Davies, João Magueijo, and Andreas Albrecht and
others who are exploring the “revolutionary” idea that the speed of light
may not actually be constant. They believe that changing the cherished rules
of Einstein’s relativity may solve certain problems —observational and
fundamental— in astrophysics and cosmology.
The fact that they find it
necessary to modify Einstein’s relativity comes as no surprise for we know
(or should know) there is something deeply wrong with the theory. But the
constancy of the speed of light predates Einstein’s theory —and maybe the
constancy is not the problem.
What these modern revolutionaries fail to realize (or
are too pacific to consider) is that having a variable speed of light
would, effectively, be no different than having a light conducting medium
which is itself in motion. Change the speed of the luminiferous aether of a
region in a hypothetical astro-situation and you will observe a
change in the speed of light. (And yet, speed with respect to aether itself
remains fixed.)
Introduce an aether wind
and you change the effective speed of light; as surely as atmospheric wind
changes the speed of sound; as surely as a rushing stream changes the speed
of water waves.
Before committing to
revolutionary changes it may be more constructive to restore and refine the
aether of the 19th century. —CR |
What about Einstein’s postulate dealing with the constancy
of the speed of light —light propagates through empty space with a definite
speed, c, independent of the source or observer? But if it is
to be independent of the source or observer then what is a light-particle’s
motion referenced to, in order to give meaning to the speed —the 300,000 km per
second? The speed is NOT referenced to the source and not to the observer! It is
“an absolute speed in terms of any system of inertial coordinates.” So says
Einstein’s postulate! Einstein must mean that the speed is referenced to “empty
space.” There really is nothing else. Consider this: speed is an actual length
(or distance) divided by travel time. Under Einstein’s postulate we are required
to use a measure of “emptiness” divided by time. Speed in empty space
makes no sense. (Or consider Poincaré’s argument. "If light takes several years
to reach us from a distant star, it is no longer on the star, nor is it on the
earth. It must be somewhere, and supported, so to speak, by some material
agency." It was clear to Poincaré that empty space just will not work.[29])
But empty space is what Einstein is forced to turn to. Let’s remove the smoke
and mirrors and reveal what Einstein did. In order to give the definite speed
its meaning, Einstein stealthily employed space as a conducting medium!
And again we are back to prior theories. The best known
was that of Hendrik Lorentz who had a luminiferous aether theory in which
light was conducted with constant speed measurable with respect to the aether
medium.
As for the practical aspect, astronomers had always
assumed that light has a constant speed. A theory that proclaimed the obvious
did not concern them.
All in all it is not surprising to read that Einstein did
not think his relativity theories very revolutionary at all. In 1921, by which
time he had long developed both the special and the gravitational theories, he
described them as only the “natural completion of the work of Faraday, Maxwell
and Lorentz.”[30]
And whose work did Einstein consider most outstanding and
therefore would be expected to have had the greatest influence on his own
research? ... When Einstein was asked, “Who were the greatest men, the most
powerful thinkers whom he had known?” he responded without hesitation, “Lorentz.”
Lorentz was in a class all his own; he stood out above all others. Einstein
praised the man’s mastery of physics and mathematics. “His near idolatry for
Lorentz had lasted all his life,” and near the end Einstein wrote: “Everything
that emanated from his supremely great mind was as clear and beautiful as a good
work of art.”
[31]
Special relativity also
includes what is known as the postulate of relativity. In 1921 Lorentz
credited Poincaré for establishing the principle and postulate of relativity
and wrote:
Poincaré ... has obtained a perfect invariance of the
electro-magnetic equations, and he has formulated 'the postulate of relativity',
terms which he was the first to employ.[32]
Although he clearly understood
Einstein's papers, it seems Lorentz never quite accepted their conclusions. He
preferred the substantiality found in the aether theory in which space and time
can be sharply separated.[33]
Despite Lorentz's caution
Einstein’s abstract version of relativity theory was quickly accepted. In 1912
Lorentz and Einstein were jointly proposed for a Nobel Prize for their work on
special relativity. The recommendation was made by Wien, the winner of the 1911
physics award, and states
... While Lorentz must be considered as the first to
have found the mathematical content of the relativity principle, Einstein
succeeded in reducing it to a simple principle. One should therefore assess the
merits of both investigators as being comparable...[34]
Wien acknowledges Lorentz’s prior claim as well as
Einstein’s success at reducing a working principle into a mere abstraction.
Einstein never received a Nobel Prize for relativity. The
committee was understandably cautious (wisely so, in light of the evidence) and,
it is said, waited for experimental confirmation.[35]
Einstein’s
greatest contribution to physics is undoubtedly the formulation of mass-energy
equivalence. The famous relationship E = mc2 was
derived by Einstein in 1905 and follows from the consequences of the Lorentz
transformations and the relativity principle. What Einstein had recognized —and
what Poincaré’s paper in 1900 had not fully exploited— was that matter itself
loses or gains mass during the emission or absorption of electromagnetic energy
(radiation).
The mass-energy equivalence formula, because it represents
mass to energy conversion (or energy to mass conversion), made the old mass
conservation law merely a special case of a total-energy conservation law.[36]
Therein lies Einstein’s greatest achievement.
5 No Award for General Relativity
Einstein’s general theory of relativity generalizes
special relativity to non-inertial frames of reference. It deals with events
occurring in frames of reference that are accelerating due to motion or are
accelerating due to gravitation. It is called a geometrodynamic theory.
Geometric because, having no aether-space, it uses a mathematical space
defined by four coordinates. Dynamic because its mathematical
space curves in accordance with the presence and motion of mass particles
and bodies. And what is space curvature? Well, that is one of Einstein’s
abstractions. In fact it is an abstraction in geometry borrowed from Georg
Friedrich Riemann (1826-66) and Nikolai Lobachevski.
The general relativity theory
first appeared in 1915. Because it deals with gravitational acceleration it is
called a theory of gravity.
Others, including Lorentz,
Poincaré, and Le Sage, had made attempts to formulate a theory of gravitation.
They all used an aether medium to communicate the gravity effect. The idea of
using a gravitational aether has a long tradition going back to
the days of Isaac Newton himself; and even earlier to René Descartes with his
large and small vortices of aethereal dust producing what we would call
gravitational effects.
Did Einstein use a
gravitational aether? ... In 1920 Einstein compared his “gravitational ether”
with Lorentz's aether and made it clear that the aether of general
relativity has no mechanical properties.
“The ether of the general theory of relativity is a
medium which is itself devoid of all mechanical and kinematical qualities, but
helps to determine mechanical (and electromagnetic) events. ... the ether of the
general theory of relativity is the outcome of the Lorentzian ether, through
relativization.” —A. Einstein[37]
Relativization!? ... In
plain English, for Einstein, the aether serves no purpose; it is simply ignored,
and might as well not exist. Einstein the mathematician gives aether
4-dimensional coordinates, discards the aether medium, and retains the
coordinates. That procedure is called relativization.
The term symbolized a new
vision for a new age. Einstein’s general relativity was the dawn of the
age of the mathematical universes. The 4-dimensional relativization of
the cosmos became a serious enterprise.
In 1916 and into 1917 Einstein
developed the very first model of the universe based on the new gravity theory.
It was a failure. Although it was designed as a static universe it turned out to
be unstable. The instability was pointed out by the Russian mathematician
Alexander Friedmann. Gravity and Lambda were initially balanced but with the
slightest disturbance Einstein’s universe will either contract and ultimately
collapse into a self-made black hole or, alternately, expand to infinity.
Nevertheless, this incipient application set the trend for the science of
cosmology for the rest of the century.
Almost all the theoretical
models of the universe developed during the 20th century are based,
in one way or another, on general relativity. Einstein went on to design other
versions of this genre. In 1932 he teamed up with Willem de Sitter and
constructed an expanding universe known as the Einstein-deSitter model. It
became a textbook standard for comparative big bang models.
However, no award was ever
given for general relativity. And no one —not Einstein nor anyone else— ever
received an award for a relativized theory of our Universe. The
cofounders of the big bang theory of the universe, the Russian physicist George
Gamow and his doctoral student Ralph Alpher (publishing in 1946 and 1948
respectively), never made it onto the Nobel list.[38]
There was no Award given for
what has been called “the discovery of the expansion of the universe” and
rightfully so; for no such discovery was ever made. Edwin Hubble (1889-1953), on
whose behalf the claim is often made, did not discover the expansion of
the universe —he discovered a redshift versus distance relationship for
distant galaxies. The greater the galaxy’s distance, the longer the wavelength
of its light. To extrapolate this variation into proof of the expansion of the
whole universe is pure speculation. (Nevertheless, when Modern Astrophysics gets
its act together, it will belatedly recognize that Edwin Hubble’s rightful claim
is for the discovery of the expansion of aether-space!)
There are far too many
problems with general relativity models to cover in this article. I will only
highlight a few relevant issues. One is that when applied to the universe
general relativity is a weak theory. Dennis Sciama describes the problem
this way: “For instance, general relativity, ... is consistent with an infinite
number of different possibilities, or models, for the history of the Universe.
Needless to say, not more than one of these models can be correct, so that the
theory permits possibilities that are not realized in Nature. In other words, it
is too wide. We can put this in another way. In the absence of a theory anything
can happen. If we introduce a weak theory too many things can still happen.”
[39]
There are so many problems
with such models that papers are written in an effort to keep track of them:
Legendary astronomer Allan Sandage came up with one titled “23 astronomical
problems for the next three decades” and was submitted to the conference on
Key Problems in Astronomy and Astrophysics (Sandage, 1995). The Russian
physicist Yurij V. Baryshev has published the “Conceptual Problems of Fractal
Cosmology” which includes several outright paradoxes and in which he
concludes “The roots of many of the conceptual problems of modern cosmology ...
actually lie in the gravity theory.” [40]
And there are web articles; for example, The Top 30 Problems with the Big
Bang.[41]
Surely the most embarrassing
problem is the inability to explain the observed large scale structure —the
network of cosmic voids surrounded by linked galaxy clusters. There is far too
much regularity. Furthermore, as plasma physicist and science writer E.J. Lerner
points out, to form these structures by building up the needed motions through
gravitational acceleration alone would take in excess of 100 billion years.[42]
How the original unstructured universe evolved into its
present highly structured state is a major unsolved riddle in cosmology.—Edward
Harrison[43]
In the year 2003 Jaan Einasto reminded the astrophysics
community to take note that the big bang models neither predict the position,
nor the presence and extent of the regularity of the supercluster-void network
(the largest observed structural network in the Universe). The origin of the
pattern regularity and the physical scale are unknown.[44]
Then there is the metaphysical
nature. General relativity converts time into a special dimension.
Time was spatialized and reduced to a timeline by the c constant.
But, as we all know, our world only has three dimensions. When you transform
time into a fourth dimension, as Einstein did, you are modeling an imaginary
mathematical universe, not any kind of real universe. You are placing your
theory outside the realm of physics and, in the context of the Nobel Prize,
outside the realm of contenders. And doubt not that Einstein constructed an
imaginary world, for in order to make time a 4th-dimension
coordinate it was necessary to multiply ‘time’ by the factor (√-1)
thereby converting time into an imaginary number.
There is also the perennial
problem pertaining to cause. The same problem that plagued Newton’s
gravity theory also infests Einstein’s gravity —no causal mechanism.
It may never be known for
certain whether these unreal aspects and metaphysical ambiguities influenced the
Foundation to make policy changes for certain categories. What we do know is
that after 1922 the Nobel Prize committee decided, in private, without making
the decision public, to exclude discoveries and theories in astrophysics.[45]
Many years later an award was
made for an astrophysics finding. Arno Penzias and Robert W. Wilson shared the
Award for the “Discovery of cosmic background radiation”[46]
—not for finding evidence of a big bang expanding universe. Their 1978 Award was
for an observational phenomenon and not for its specific cause and certainly not
for any general relativity theory of the universe.
In hindsight the selection
committee’s decision to withhold judgment, regardless of motivation, was
fortuitous indeed. All general relativity universe models —Hot Big Bang, Cold
Big Bang, Steady State, Quasi Steady State, and now the Double Dark model— all
treat the universe as a single-cell entity. Each one models the universe as a
monolithic mathematical sphere —formulated so that it is only partially visible
to us. (Formulated so that no one making a critical assessment of one of these
relativity-type models can say Oh! look way over there, one can see the edge
of the universe!)
The models of the twentieth
century were conceived as single cells. Einstein built the prototype; his legacy
to cosmology built the others. However, it turns out that the Universe is
actually multi-cellular; intrinsically so; and surprisingly regular.[47]
The eminent physicist Max Planck, who
himself had been awarded the Nobel Prize of 1918, nominated Einstein for the
1919 prize, for general relativity, but in vain.[48]
6 Reasons and Reflections on Reasons
Einstein was not the founder
of special relativity. As described above, it was based mainly on the work of
Voigt, Larmor, Poincaré and Lorentz. In fact all supposed experimental
verifications of special relativity can, with exactly the same
justification, be used to verify Hendrik Antoon Lorentz's prior theory based on
aether. The compatibility of the mass-and-velocity relation with Lorentz's
theory was pointed out by Lorentz himself, and shown to agree with observations
already made before Einstein introduced his theory.
The selection committee
refused to honor either of the relativity theories. Einstein’s special
relativity theory long lacked experimental confirmation —at least that is how
the story is usually told. The “absence” of such evidence was cited as a
problem. As for general relativity, when supporting evidence was collected in
1919 it had a problematic 37% error.[49]
Earlier it was noted that the selection committee had, for
several decades after 1922, excluded discoveries and theories in astrophysics.[50]
But Einstein faced another bias, “The old Nobel bias against theoretical
physics.”[51]
Furthermore, when we consider that Einstein’s relativity theories were, for the
most part mathematical, we can see that he was up against a triple bias:
astrophysics, theoretical physics, and mathematics.
However, in the nomination
process Einstein faced no such barriers. By 1922 he had been nominated about
fifty times —most were for his relativity theories.[52]
The science historian Burton
Feldman describes another factor. Alfred Nobel’s will and the Statutes of the
Nobel Foundation mention only “discoveries” and “inventions,” certainly not
revolutionary ‘discoveries’. How could any prize-giving body evaluate ideas
that attempt to reinvent the rules of physics?[53]
Turning now to the evidence.
Consider Einstein’s admission
of relativity’s fallibility. If the positive results of Miller’s aether
experiments are confirmed then “the whole relativity theory collapses like a
house of cards.” Metaphorically we have Zeno making the admission “if
absolute motion is ever proven then my relativity-with-respect-to-inbetween-point
argument would be invalidated.”
Metaphorically, Miller’s
aether was the Achilles’ heel of Einstein’s relativity. In the minds of the
Nobel decision makers, we may reasonably surmise, Miller’s aether was a
persistently wiggling worm of doubt. How could a decision be rendered? Those
annoying measurements of Miller ... they refused to go away. And worse, they
kept accumulating! The experiments of 1906 in Cleveland, of 1921 on Mt. Wilson,
of 1922-1924 back in Cleveland, of 1924 back on Mt. Wilson, and the definitive
experiments of 1925-1926 on Mt. Wilson, all gave positive results.
|

|
|
Dayton
Miller (1866-1941).
(Photo courtesy of the Case Western Reserve
University Archive)
|
While
Miller had a rough time convincing some of his contemporaries about the reality
of his ether-measurements, he clearly could not be ignored in this regard. As a
graduate of physics from Princeton University, President of the American
Physical Society and Acoustical Society of America, Chairman of the Division of
Physical Sciences of the National Research Council, Chairman of the Physics
Department of Case School of Applied Science (today Case Western Reserve
University), and Member of the National Academy of Sciences well known for his
work in acoustics, Miller was no ‘outsider’. ... [H]e produced a series of
papers presenting solid data on the existence of a measurable ether-drift, and
he successfully defended his findings to not a small number of critics,
including Einstein.
—
James DeMeo[54]
Miller
continued to publish and defend his findings until 1941 the year he died. The
aether evidence had always been subjected to criticism but with Miller gone,
there was no one to defend the data. Miller had entrusted all the notebooks and
research documentation relating to the aether experiments to his former student
of many years Robert S. Shankland. But Shankland it seems treated science not so
much as a search for truth but more as a political game. After Miller’s passing,
Shankland, the opportunist gauging the popular trend, switched sides and became
an ardent supporter of Einstein and an advocate of Einstein's relativity.
Henceforth Shankland built his professional career upon publications
misrepresenting the aether experiments and denigrating the aether concept. He
also published widely-read interviews with Einstein (published in 1963, 1964,
1973), however, he rarely discussed Miller's positive ether-drift measurements
in any of his papers except one —the now infamous Shankland paper of 1955.[55]
Shankland had decided that
something had to be done with Miller’s persistent “inexplicable” positive
results (those documented measurements entrusted to him). Heading a team whose
members were all Einstein advocates, Shankland initiated a critical review of
Miller's work. As reported by historian Loyd Swenson,
“...Shankland, after extensive consultation with
Einstein, decided to subject Miller's observations to a thoroughgoing review
...”
[56]
The “critical review” amounted
to a malicious discrediting of Miller and the evidence. It suggests an extreme
bias and deliberate misrepresentation —misrepresenting Miller's data in several
ways, and misrepresenting itself as a definitive rebuttal, which it most
certainly was not. The details of the extensive misrepresentation may be found
in Dr James DeMeo’s article Dayton Miller's Ether-Drift Experiments: A Fresh
Look.[57]
Shankland sent a
pre-publication manuscript of the critique to Einstein. Considering the
abundance and impeccable nature of the evidence, the critique was more than
Einstein could have hoped for. His relativity now seemed safe. Unaware, or
unconcerned with the paper’s flaws, he gave his approval thereby propelling
Shankland’s paper to a status of authority that it otherwise may not have
attained. “Einstein saw the final draft and wrote a personal letter of
appreciation for having finally explained the small periodic residuals from
[Miller's] Mount Wilson experiments.”
[58]
In that reply letter to
Shankland, Einstein stated:
“I thank you very much for sending me your careful study
about the Miller experiments. Those experiments, conducted with so much care,
merit, of course, a very careful statistical investigation. This is more so as
the existence of a not trivial positive effect would affect very deeply the
fundament of theoretical physics as it is presently accepted. You have shown
convincingly that the observed effect is outside the range of accidental
deviations and must, therefore, have a systematic cause [having] nothing to do
with 'ether wind', but with differences of temperature of the air traversed by
the two light bundles which produce the bands of interference.”
(emphasis added)[59]
The letter was dated August,
1954.
The Shankland paper was
published the following year, in 1955. It argued that there must have been
“thermal effects” in Miller's Mt. Wilson measurements, but provided no direct
evidence of this. This is a remarkable claim given the fact that the cited
thermal effects were below the sensitivity range of the apparatus when
operated with its thermal shield. And nowhere did the Shankland group
present evidence that temperature was a factor in creating the periodic sidereal
fringe shifts observed by Miller in his published data, even though this was the
group’s stated conclusion.[60]
The Shankland team casually
dismissed the most import aspect of Miller’s data —the clear demonstration of a
systematic sidereal periodicity.[61]
There was an unequivocal direction in which the aether-wind was maximum; this
direction was completely independent of the time of day or season of the year in
which measurements were made; the direction indicated a cosmic origin.[62]
The aether-wind, as the Miller
measurements showed, was oriented with respect to the celestial sphere (and not
with respect to Earth’s orbital position around the Sun). If one claims that
some “systematic thermal effects” are somehow responsible then these thermal
effects must also be timed to the sidereal day —then one faces the formidable
task of determining how the stars in the heavens could possibly cause, in
Einstein’s words, “differences of temperature of the air traversed by the two
light bundles” in Miller’s thermally-insulated apparatus, inside his
shielded observation hut, isolated on Mount Wilson. How could the relative
rotational motion between Earth and the stars cause cyclical “thermal
effects”? ... Exactly! It is not possible (astrology is not a science). But
Shankland cleverly dispensed with any kind of meaningful explanation and simply
stated his seemingly pre-planned conclusion.
Many years later, in 1981,
Shankland made explicit his belief that Miller’s opposition prevented Einstein
from receiving the Award. In the Archives of Case Western Reserve University
there is an interview (conducted by Margaret Kimball, presumably a journalist)
in which Shankland blamed Miller for having blocked the awarding of a
Nobel Prize to Einstein for his relativity theory.[63]
Clearly, Miller's work was a major obstacle to the Einstein theory of
relativity.
During the many years of
Einstein’s eligibility, the Nobel committee members had been the observers
—impartial or otherwise— of the controversy surrounding the relativity theory.
But their debates and deliberations will forever be locked within the bosom of
the Swedish Academy of Science (at least if each member’s pledge to secrecy was
honored). Thus, although some of the reasons for Einstein not receiving the
Award for relativity are well understood, there may be others we may never know.
From a purely scientific point of view the relativity
theories are contrary to reality. It is the reason why the theories are
considered highly abstract. It is the reason why Lorentz admitted despairing at
how physics “had taken an enormous step down the road of abstraction.”[64]
Einstein’s theories ignore the absoluteness aspect of space and motion and, in
doing so, they stand as mathematical theories but not as physical theories.
General relativity led to the mathematical universes of the 20th
century; a seemingly endless variety of single-cell universes such as the
expanding open, the expanding closed, the expanding flat, the
expanding-in-stages, and the oscillating. But according to the theory currently
challenging standard cosmology, the real Universe is not a single cell and is
not even expanding. General Relativity predicts gravity waves but none
have ever been detected. As for special relativity, one would expect the
theory to play an important role in the highly-accurate Global Positioning
System. But it does not. Again, it is not a physical theory. Newton’s gravity
suffices to give the first-order potential differences used in adjusting GPS
clock rates for gravity, and only the definition of proper time,
dt
2 = dt 2 - dr 2/c 2, is needed for orbital-motion corrections —not the full
kinematics of the Lorentz transformation.
Nevertheless, the usefulness of the theories cannot be
denied. General relativity as a mathematical theory of gravity is
credited with reasonable agreement with observations. These include the
gravitational redshift of light moving from one point to another in a
gravitational field; the bending of a ray of light passing through a
gravitational field; and the precession of the perihelion of the planet Mercury.
Special relativity as a mathematical theory is an essential tool in the
field of particle physics.
Would ‘usefulness’ qualify the
theory for the Nobel Prize? ... It is not an easy question. The Ptolemaic theory
was useful for well over 1200 years yet few would suggest a posthumous award.
And then again, relativity is based on an algebraic method of
transforming coordinates from one frame of reference to another frame (a
relatively moving frame). As described earlier the method was discovered by
others.
The problem of the missing
‘cause’. The relativity theories are contrary to reality because they give
no cause. They formulate the effect(s) but not the cause. It is even worse.
Larmor and Lorentz, with their
aether theory, could point to a plausible cause for the time distortion
phenomenon. They could if they wished hypothesize some kind of interaction with
aether. Einstein threw it out. He kept the concept of relativistic slowing of
clocks but rejected the absolute motion that aether made explicit and in the
process lost all hope of attributing a cause to a very real phenomenon. Thus,
Einstein not only gives no cause, he has no way in the world to ever introduce a
cause! (All he has is geometry!)
The lack of a causal mechanism
extends to all the relativistic phenomena —including length contraction and the
variance of mass and the speed of light (what causes it to be 300,000 km/s and
not 150,000 km/s?). The problem further extends to the gravity theory. As the
Physics Community is painfully aware, gravitation itself, the very force/effect
that rules the universe, is given no causal explanation. (It is true also of
Lambda, the other side of the gravitational coin.) And all there is to work with
is geometry!
The problem of the apparent
versus the real relativistic effects. Physics is all about cause and effect.
Einstein formulated the effect but could give no cause. He even suggested not to
bother looking for one! But now we come to the checkmate argument of why the
relativity theories are contrary to reality. Since they give no cause they
therefore cannot make the distinction between apparent and real relativistic
effects! And there definitely is a distinction.
So when Einstein used the
Lorentz equations (as Lorentz himself did) to formulate the phenomenon of the
variance of mass and energy there must have been that nagging question —like the
one discussed earlier for the phenomenon of length contraction. Is the
increase in mass due to motion real? or is it merely apparent? or even some
combination of the two? Einstein’s formulation cannot tell us. Not without
some causal mechanism.
The measured mass of an object
depends on the observer’s relative motion. Changing the motion, changes the
apparent mass value. But, of course, the mass object cannot change its mass in
response to the various motions of multiple observers. And yet real mass
change can, and does, take place. But for that you need absolute motion.
Achilles really can beat the tortoise; but to do so he needs absolute motion.
To be sure, there is relative
motion —but there is also absolute motion. Sometimes there are both.
On the question of apparent versus real relativistic effects Einstein
fails to make the distinction. His abstract theory of relativity does not allow
him to make such a distinction.
As a last reflection on
possible reasons there is the issue of incompleteness: Special relativity
is an incomplete theory without the concepts of absolute motion and an
aether-medium —also known as the luminiferous aether. General relativity
is an incomplete theory without the concept of a dynamic aether-space —also
known as the gravitational aether.
7 What Might Have Been
Everyone knows the
implications of Miller’s positive effect. It means that there exists a
preferred frame of reference (the rest frame of aether-space) and therefore
absolute motion becomes an undeniable reality. But what did Einstein mean, when
he stated in his letter to Shankland “the existence of a not trivial positive
effect would affect very deeply the fundament of theoretical physics as it is
presently accepted”? ... For one thing he meant that the principle of
equivalence, an important part of relativity theory whereby the
gravitational force of acceleration is undistinguishable from the inertial force
of acceleration, would be rendered invalid. Moreover, all motion would be
affected. Einstein meant that all significant motion would have to be
referenced to the newly-discovered preferred frame. He meant that the
mathematics of physics would have to include both relative velocities and
absolute velocities.
Although the inclusion of
absolute velocities in practice may be subject to debate, inclusion is
necessary at the fundamental level. What would those equation changes look like
and how would they compare to Einstein’s physics? ... For some of the highlights
see Tables 1 to 5 [in the PDF published paper]. The tables also include a
comparison with classical Newtonian physics.
When relativity was originally
being formulated there was an option open to Einstein. We know that Einstein
reflected a certain ambivalence towards aether. His main concern was
detectability. His option was this. He could have accepted the aether’s
existence and built it into his theory —even though it seemed to be
undetectable. Then, if the then popular opinion turns out to be wrong and
aether-motion actually becomes measurable, his theory and equations would be
wholly accommodating.
If Einstein had incorporated
the aether frame into the development of relativity theory he would most likely
have come up with absolute motion equations like the ones in the first column of
the tables and derived in similar fashion as the actual special relativity
equations —derived from the Lorentz transformations. Then, acknowledging the
contemporary belief that absolute motion was, for some unknown reason,
undetectable, he would have set the value, vA, of the observer
to zero and relegated, vB, the velocity of some moving frame,
to serve as a purely relative motion. The absolute-motion equations would have
delivered the special-relativity equations shown in column 2. [See the PDF
published paper.]
The remarkable fact (not to
mention the irony) is that Einstein’s relativity can be derived from an aether
theory! The remarkable fact is that the conventional Einstein equations can
easily be derived from the aether-motion equations!
Imagine what might have been. If Zeno had
recognized the difference between absolute motion and narrowly-defined relative
motion then Achilles would have won the race.
If Einstein had recognized the
validity of Miller’s aether wind and absolute motion experiments then the
relativity theories would have looked quite different.
If Einstein had adopted not
only Lorentz’s equations but also his aether (admittedly with some
modifications) then he would have had a preferred frame-of-reference and
a causal mechanism for real relativistic effects. Furthermore, if he had
adopted Lorentz’s static aether and made it into a dynamic aether — the
essential modification— then he would have had a causal mechanism for
gravitation as well. In other words, he would have had a complete and
paradox-free theory of motion and gravitation.
. . . However . . .
Without the incorporation of
absolute motion and without specifying causes for what is being
postulated, the theoretical physicist is wandering through dunes of shifting
sands. Let there be no doubt; the theoretical path he so carefully constructs is
vulnerable and forever at the mercy of the wind. The impartial observer attempts
to follow the path, assess the way-stops, but the wind blows and the sands keep
shifting. ... What is an Awards Selection Committee to do?
I am bewildered and awed by an image that
may be more substantive than caricature of a genius of a man who, after 1915,
spent the remaining forty years of his life searching for the missing cause. ...
With sincere respect, I give Professor Einstein the last word.
"You imagine that I look back on my life's work with
calm satisfaction. But from nearby it looks quite different. There is not a
single concept of which I am convinced that it will stand firm, and I feel
uncertain whether I am in general on the right track."
—Albert
Einstein, on his 70th birthday, in a
letter to Maurice Solovine, 1949 March 28
[65]
* * * *
Email: Ranzan@CellularUniverse.org
www.CellularUniverse.org
091112
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[1]
Louis Trenchard More, as in I. Bernard Cohen. 1985. Revolution in Science
(The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass.) p414
[2]
Durant, Will. 1927. The Story of Philosophy (Doubleday, Toronto,
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[3]
Ronan, Colin. 1982. Science: its History and Development Among the World
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[4]
LeShan, Lawrence L. & Morgenau, Henry. Einstein’s Space and Van Gogh’s
Sky (Macmillan Publishing Co. N.Y. 1983) p124
[5]
Ronan, Colin. 1982. Science: its History and Development Among the World
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[6]
Zeno’s defense of Parmenides’ theory is indirect; his argument is more an
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[7]
Russell, Bertrand. Wisdom of the West, Editor Paul Foulkes (Crescent
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[8]
Shankland, R. S. Michelson-Morley Experiment, The Encyclopedia of
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[9]
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[10]
Miller, Dayton C. The Ether-Drift Experiment and the Determination of the
Absolute Motion of the Earth, Reviews of Modern Physics, Vol. 5
July (1933) p207
[11]
Miller, Dayton C. The Ether-Drift Experiment and the Determination of the
Absolute Motion of the Earth, Reviews of Modern Physics, Vol. 5
July (1933) p207; Miller gives reference to: H.A. Lorentz, Versuch Einer
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[15]
As quoted in: DeMeo, James. 2002. Dayton Miller's Ether-Drift
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[16]
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[17]
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Miller, D.C. The Ether-Drift Experiment and the Determination of the
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July, 1933) p220
[19]
Miller, D.C. The Ether-Drift Experiment and the Determination of the
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July, 1933)
[22]
As in History of the Lorentz Transformations
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[25]
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[26]
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[30]
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[31]
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[38]
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[39]
Sciama, Dennis Modern Cosmology (Cambridge University Press, 1971) as
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[40]
Baryshev, Yurij V. Conceptual Problems of Fractal Cosmology (arXiv:astro-ph/9912074
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[42]
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[43]
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[44]
Einasto, Jaan The structure of the Universe on 100MPC Scales World
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[45]
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Ranzan, C. 2008. The Story of Gravity and Lambda --How the Theory of
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Ranzan, C. 2008. Theoretical Foundation and Pillars of the
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[48]
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[54]
DeMeo, James. 2002. Dayton Miller's Ether-Drift Experiments: A Fresh Look.
(As posted on
www.orgonelab.org/miller.htm ) James DeMeo Ph.D. is Director of
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[56]
Swenson, Loyd. 1972. The Ethereal Aether: A History of the
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[58]
Swenson, L. 1972. The Ethereal Aether: A History of the
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[59]
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[60]
DeMeo, J. 2002. Dayton Miller's Ether-Drift Experiments: A Fresh Look
[62]
Miller, D.C. The Ether-Drift
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of Modern Physics, Vol. 5 July, 1933)
[63]
Kimball, Margaret. 1981. An Interview with Dr. Robert S. Shankland,
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James DeMeo
www.orgonelab.org/miller.htm)
[64]
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Prestige, p132
[65]
As in Banesh Hoffman. 1972. Albert
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